Mohahlaula Airlines
Thursday, July 23, 2026
Home Blog Page 35

Kamoli Did Not Give the Order, Defence Points Finger at Motšomotšo in Mahao Murder Trial

0

MASERU-One of the defence lawyers in the Maaparankoe Mahao murder trial has told the court that the 2015 military operation to suppress alleged mutiny was ordered by the late Major General Khoantle Motšomotšo, not former army commander Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli.

Advocate Letuka Molati made this statement while cross-examining Captain Litekanyo Nyakane, who testified as the first defence witness after the court dismissed an application by the accused for their discharge.

Adv. Molati told the court that when the military operation began, the Lesotho Defence Force was under the command of Maj. Gen. Motšomotšo, and not Kamoli.

He said at the time the deceased was due to be arrested, Kamoli had only just returned to office after being away for some days.

According to the defence, when Kamoli resumed duty, he addressed officers and made it clear that he would not interfere with the operation that had already been launched by Motšomotšo. Adv. Molati said Kamoli announced that Motšomotšo would continue to lead the operation until its completion.

He added that this address was made publicly and was recorded by the army’s Public Affairs office.

Adv. Molati further told the court that in both 2015 and 2016, affidavits filed by the army in cases involving arrested and detained soldiers were signed by Motšomotšo, showing that he had full control and knowledge of the operations at the time.

The accused, nine members of the Lesotho Defence Force and retired army commander Lt. Gen. Tlali Kamoli, are charged with the murder of former army commander Maaparankoe Mahao.

They are accused of shooting and killing Mahao on 25 June 2015 at Ha Lekete in Mokema. They are also facing additional charges, including attempted murder and malicious damage to property.

The trial is continuing before Justice Charles Hungwe.

Lumpy Skin Disease Threatens Livestock Economy as Infections Surge

0

Lesotho is facing a rapidly escalating outbreak of Lumpy Skin Disease (LSD), with hundreds of cattle now infected and at least 19 deaths recorded so far, raising serious concerns about livestock health, farmer livelihoods and the State’s preparedness to contain the disease.

Agriculture Minister Thabo Mofosi confirmed that 448 cattle have been diagnosed with LSD to date, warning that the figure is likely to rise as surveillance continues across the country.

The most affected districts are Maseru with 163 cases, Leribe with 142, Mafeteng with 45, Butha-Buthe with 36, Berea with 33 and Mohale’s Hoek with 28. Thaba-Tseka has reported a single case, while the remaining districts have not yet recorded infections.

LSD is a highly contagious viral disease that affects cattle and water buffalo. It is caused by the Neethling virus and is transmitted mainly through biting insects, particularly mosquitoes and flies. Direct contact between animals is possible but occurs less frequently.

Mofosi attributed the rapid spread of the disease to the current hot and humid conditions, which have led to a surge in insect populations and accelerated the transmission of insect-borne livestock diseases.

The disease is characterised by widespread skin nodules, excessive salivation, lameness, high fever and swollen lymph nodes. Mofosi cautioned that LSD has no cure, as it is viral in nature, but stressed that it can be managed through supportive treatment aimed at strengthening the animal’s immune system and preventing secondary infections.

He urged farmers to immediately isolate infected cattle from healthy animals and to ensure that affected livestock are kept under shade with adequate water and feed. Sick animals, he warned, should not be used for work, including ploughing or pulling loads.

Farmers have also been advised to move cattle away from swamps, wetlands and riverbanks, where insect breeding is common. Areas close to rivers, wetlands, lowland regions and zones along the South African border have been identified as the most affected, with illegal cross-border grazing cited as a contributing factor.

Mofosi appealed to farmers who observe signs of the disease to report cases promptly to agricultural offices or veterinary clinics for professional assistance. He emphasised that only trained and authorised veterinary personnel are permitted to administer medication used in managing the disease.

“Self-treatment or administering medication without veterinary guidance is dangerous and strongly discouraged,” Mofosi said, reminding farmers that the loss of a cow has serious economic consequences.

Although LSD is not among the diseases officially gazetted for annual vaccination, the minister said procurement processes for supportive medication have been completed and that the ministry will provide treatment free of charge. Medical outlets, which closed over the Christmas holidays, are expected to reopen next week.

Mofosi added that medicines will be reallocated from districts that have not yet reported cases to affected areas to speed up treatment. Public awareness campaigns will continue through radio broadcasts, community gatherings, digital platforms and print media.

He further noted that climate change has contributed to an increase in unexpected and rapidly spreading livestock diseases. As a result, funds have been allocated in the 2026/27 financial year to address such outbreaks. The procurement of 21 vehicles is also at an advanced stage to enable veterinary teams to reach remote areas. Where vehicles cannot access affected communities, traditional leaders and residents have been asked to assist veterinary staff.

Meanwhile, the Director for Veterinary Field Operations in the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, Dr Mookho Ntiea, urged farmers to strictly separate infected cattle from the rest of their herds and warned against the use of medication without proper veterinary knowledge.

“Farmers should first seek advice from veterinarians to understand how the medication works,” Dr Ntiea said. “Ignoring veterinary guidelines is a serious mistake and may put the animal’s life at risk, as treatment should only be administered by trained professionals.”

Authorities have warned that without strict adherence to veterinary guidance and movement controls, the outbreak could deepen, placing further strain on the livestock sector and rural livelihoods.

Shop Managers Granted Bail After Allegedly Selling Rotten Meat and Locking Inspectors in a Cold Room

MASERU-The management and a worker at Blessing Khomojoo’s Fruits and Vegetables Store have been released on bail after being charged with selling rotten meat and unlawfully locking Maseru City Council inspectors inside a cold room.

According to a statement issued by the Maseru City Council (MCC), the incident occurred on 13 December 2025, when health and environmental inspectors were carrying out their routine food safety inspections at the shop along Kingsway Road.

During the inspection, inspectors allegedly discovered beef that was unfit for human consumption. The meat was seized because it did not meet hygiene and safety standards, including concerns over how and where it had been slaughtered.

When inspectors entered the cold room to continue with their work, shop employees allegedly locked them inside. The inspectors were later rescued by the Lesotho Mounted Police Service.

Following the incident, Maseru City Council opened a criminal case against the shop’s management and staff.

They are charged under Section 47(1) of the Penal Code Act of 2012, which criminalises unlawful detention. The Council says this section applies because inspectors were allegedly locked inside the cold room against their will.

They are also charged under the Public Health Order of 1970, read together with Section 70, which makes it an offence to sell or expose food that is dangerous or unfit for human consumption. This charge arises from allegations that the shop was selling rotten meat.

In addition, the accused are charged under the Abattoir Regulations of 1972 (Legal Notice No. 27, Section 6(1)), which require that meat sold to the public must come from approved slaughter facilities and be handled in a hygienic manner. Authorities say the meat found at the shop did not meet these legal requirements.

The accused appeared before the Maseru Magistrate’s Court on 14 January 2026, where a manager and one employee were formally charged.

They were each granted bail of M2, 000 and are expected to return to court on 27 January 2026.

Maseru City Council further stated that the same shop had previously been cautioned over a similar health-related incident.

This followed a social media post allegedly inviting members of the public to collect free chicken that had started going bad after a freezer malfunctioned. The post reportedly advised people to wash the chicken and use strong spices to remove the smell, a move MCC says posed a serious risk to public health.

Ramoeletsi Sets the Record Straight

0

Last week Lesotho social media went ablaze with news that “Mohale’s Hoek prison inmates were spotted working in the fields of the Minister of Law and Justice, Richard Ramoeletsi”. 
According to social media news pages and legally, this was against the law. 
The Lesotho Tribune had made efforts to contact the minister to hear his comments on the allegations made against him but to no avail. 
However, this week we got the opportunity to talk to the minister who shed light on the issue that saw some Basotho applaud the act while some said it was pure political exploitation, calling it abuse of power without investigating the facts at hand. 

In our interview with Richard Ramoeletsi, he addressed the allegations that Mohale’s Hoek prison inmates were working in his personal fields in Mekaling. While confirming that inmates were indeed working in fields in his constituency, Ramoeletsiclarified that the fields are part of a Ministry of Law and Justice and Lesotho Correctional Services (LCS) Food Sufficiency Project, not his private property. 
Some three years ago, the Ministry of Law and Justice, in collaboration with the Lesotho Correctional Services (LCS), implemented a Food Sufficiency Project, which became active in the F/Y 2025/26. 
The project was awarded a staggering M7.2 million in the same year, which the two parties spent towards securing, among others, farming equipment, including a tractor and some farming inputs and other equipment which would contribute towards other projects within the initiative. The project now has a total of three tractors. 
The aim of the whole initiative was to boost agricultural self-sufficiency and inmate rehabilitation and enhance food production while also teaching vocational skills to inmates to reduce reliance on external food, improve nutrition and support reintegration into society. 
The project would transform Correctional Centres countrywide into hubs for sustainable food production and skills development, improving inmate welfare and institutional food security. 
The plan was to plough fields in the constituencies of Peka, Ha-Makhoathi and Maphutṣ̌ing; areas that were independently selected by the LCS with the plan to involve the inmates in the day-to-day activities of the project. 
This project involved agreements with field owners in these constituencies, including Mekaling, for an 80/20 yield share deal with the ministry and LCS.
Ramoeletsi went on to reveal that in the past, the project had ploughed 840 acres of land in Maphutṣ̌ing, where the yield was very bad due to drought.
At the Makhoathi constituency, 227 acres of beans and maize were sown and the results were also very bad due to unpleasant weather conditions. 
In Peka, they ploughed 122 acres of maize and 150 in Maphutṣ̌ingand the ministry and the LCS are hopeful the turnover this time will be positive. 
Positive results of the initiative include dressing 700 inmates in new uniforms, courtesy of the inmates who had taken fashion design training skills. The dream is to be able to produce uniforms for all inmates countrywide, about 3000 of them and also produce uniforms for the LCS members. 

DCEO Postpones Naleli Funeral Services Interviews, AGM to Proceed

Maseru — The Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO) has postponed the interviews of majority shareholders of Naleli Funeral Services, resolving a scheduling conflict that had threatened to disrupt the company’s Annual General Meeting (AGM).

The AGM is scheduled to take place on Friday, 16 January 2026. However, confusion arose after the DCEO simultaneously summoned the majority shareholders to appear at its offices on the same date, creating uncertainty over whether the meeting would proceed.

Following what the DCEO described as a chaotic series of developments within a short period, the Directorate has now moved to address the matter.

In a letter issued to the concerned parties, the DCEO Director-General approved the postponement of the interviews to Monday, 19 January 2026.

According to the letter, the summoned individuals are now required to report to Public Investigations Officer (PIO) Mamonyane at the DCEO offices on the new date.

The postponement effectively clears the way for the Naleli Funeral Services AGM to go ahead as planned on Friday.

Lesotho Faces Constitutional Crisis as Electoral Commission Ceases to Exist

0

Lesotho is currently without a legally constituted Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), a situation that has triggered a formal constitutional petition warning of a deepening breach of the Constitution and a looming threat to electoral democracy.

In a petition dated 12 January 2026 and submitted to the Council of State, the Basotho National Party (BNP), through its leader and Member of Parliament Machesetsa Gabriel Mofomobe, argues that the complete absence of IEC commissioners since November 2025 is unlawful, indefensible, and constitutionally impermissible  .

According to the petition, the terms of office of all IEC commissioners expired in November last year, leaving the country with no Chairperson and no members of the Commission. The document stresses that this is not a technical vacancy or a partial lapse, but a total institutional vacuum that strikes at the heart of constitutional governance.

At the centre of the argument is the Constitution’s explicit requirement that the IEC must exist continuously. The petition cites the constitutional provision stating that “there shall continue to be an Independent Electoral Commission consisting of a Chairman and two members,” emphasising that the wording is peremptory and allows for no discretion or delay  .

The BNP contends that the Constitution was deliberately designed to prevent precisely the situation now facing the country. It points to provisions allowing for acting appointments where a Chairperson or member is unable to perform their functions, underscoring that the law anticipates vacancies but does not tolerate institutional collapse. In the party’s view, the complete absence of commissioners is therefore not an administrative oversight, but an ongoing constitutional violation  .

The petition draws a stark comparison between the IEC and other foundational constitutional offices. Just as there can be no interregnum in the office of the King or a vacuum in the office of the Prime Minister, it argues, there can be no moment in which the Independent Electoral Commission does not exist as a constitutional body  .

Beyond the legal breach, the document warns of serious practical and political consequences. Any electoral planning, preparation, or administrative activity undertaken without a lawful Commission would be illegal, it argues, exposing the State to urgent constitutional litigation. More broadly, the absence of the IEC risks eroding public confidence in the electoral system and undermining the legitimacy of any future elections  .

Crucially, the petition rejects any notion that the IEC Secretariat or civil servants can fill the gap. Electoral authority, it stresses, is vested exclusively in the Commission as a constitutional institution and cannot lawfully be exercised in the absence of duly appointed commissioners  .

The petition also places responsibility squarely on the Council of State, which is constitutionally mandated to advise His Majesty the King on appointments to the IEC. The BNP argues that the prolonged failure to act cannot be dismissed as administrative delay. Instead, it constitutes a failure of constitutional duty and risks rendering the Council of State complicit, by omission, in the persistence of an unlawful state of affairs  .

In unusually direct language, the petition formally demands immediate remedial action. It calls on the Council of State to acknowledge on the record that the current situation is unconstitutional, to urgently finalise and transmit advice for the appointment of a Chairperson and two members, and to take all necessary steps to restore the IEC as a fully functional constitutional body  .

The BNP further places the State on notice that failure to act will result in court action. The party reserves its right to seek declaratory orders, mandatory interdicts, and any further relief deemed just and equitable by the courts, should the constitutional breach persist  .

The petition concludes with a stark warning. The Constitution, it says, is explicit and binding in its command that there shall continue to be an Independent Electoral Commission. The current absence of any commissioner is irreconcilable with that command and admits of no delay  .

As of now, the Council of State has not publicly responded to the petition. With electoral credibility and constitutional supremacy at stake, the coming days may determine whether the matter is resolved through swift appointments or escalates into a full-blown constitutional confrontation.

When the State Runs Out of Ideas, It Hands Out Awards

0

There is something profoundly revealing about what governments choose to celebrate when the economy is struggling.

This week, the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Business Development proudly “relaunched” the 2026 National Quality Awards. A press conference was convened. A ceremony date announced. Categories unveiled. Application forms printed. Deadlines set.

And one is left wondering: is this really where the state believes its intervention is most needed?

Lesotho is facing stagnant production, a collapsing manufacturing base, deepening import dependence and a private sector that survives more by resilience than by policy support. Access to finance remains constrained. Infrastructure is weak. Energy is unreliable. Markets are small and fragmented. Bureaucracy is heavy. Regulation is inconsistent. Confidence is fragile.

And in response, the state offers trophies.

We are told the awards were reinstated to “motivate and uplift the spirits of businesses”. That alone should worry us. Businesses do not need emotional uplift from the Ministry of Trade. They need working industrial policy. They need predictable regulation. They need functioning export support, reliable standards enforcement, cheaper logistics, and access to capital.

Motivation does not fix structural failure.

The irony is painful. The same government that cannot ensure timely VAT refunds, cannot meaningfully support local producers, and cannot protect emerging industries from being wiped out by imports, is confident in its ability to judge who the “Best Exporter of the Year” is.

Best exporter to where, exactly? Under what conditions? With what support? Using which trade facilitation mechanisms?

Awards without substance are not recognition. They are performance art.

Even the framing is telling. The awards were paused due to financial challenges. Fair enough. But their “reinstatement” is now presented as evidence of seriousness. As if restarting a ceremony is equivalent to restarting an economy. As if business confidence is built through applause rather than policy.

There is also something quietly insulting about asking struggling businesses to fill in application forms by 12 January, barely days into the new year, as if what entrepreneurs lack most is paperwork and deadlines from ministries that have delivered little else.

What exactly is being rewarded here? Survival? Compliance? Obedience? Visibility?

If the Ministry were serious, the press conference would have announced concrete measures. Sector-specific incentives. Targeted import controls. Export credit guarantees. Industrial clustering. Cold-chain investments. Market access agreements. Skills pipelines. Anything measurable. Anything structural.

Instead, we get categories and certificates.

This is not to say excellence should not be recognised. But recognition must follow achievement that was enabled by policy, not substitute for it. When awards come before strategy, they expose a government more interested in optics than outcomes.

The deeper problem is philosophical. Lesotho’s state has become far more comfortable celebrating activity than delivering impact. Launches, relaunches, ceremonies and announcements have replaced execution. It is governance by event calendar.

The business community does not need to be “uplifted”. It needs to be taken seriously.

Until the Ministry of Trade can demonstrate that it understands the difference between encouragement and intervention, between symbolism and substance, and between governance and theatre, these awards will remain what they truly are.

A shiny distraction from an economy still waiting for leadership.

Should Lesotho Ban Importation of Fresh Produce Available in Lesotho?

0

The honest answer must begin with an uncomfortable admission: Lesotho does not produce most of the fresh food it consumes. The shelves of our supermarkets tell that story daily. South African produce dominates because, in truth, there is often no local alternative.

But there are exceptions. And those exceptions matter.

In recent years, and sometimes only in specific seasons, Lesotho has begun producing eggs, tomatoes, potatoes and cabbages in meaningful quantities. Not consistently. Not at scale. But enough to raise a question that policymakers have avoided for too long: what happens when local production finally emerges in a market that never pauses for it?

The moment Basotho farmers manage to produce tomatoes in season, they discover that imported tomatoes keep coming anyway. When local potatoes reach the market, cheaper imports remain stacked beside them. The signal to the farmer is unmistakable. Even when you succeed, the market will not adjust.

So the question is not whether Lesotho should ban imports because it is self-sufficient. It is not. The real question is whether Lesotho should reward the act of producing by temporarily protecting it when it finally happens.

No country develops agriculture by waiting until farmers are perfect before offering protection. That logic guarantees permanent dependence. Development works in the opposite direction. Protection creates the space to learn, invest, fail, improve and eventually compete.

Lesotho’s current policy does the reverse. It demands competitiveness from farmers before they have scale, infrastructure, storage, finance or market power. When they fail, we call it inefficiency. When they succeed briefly, we drown them in imports.

The result is predictable. Farmers hesitate to expand. Banks hesitate to lend. Young people hesitate to enter agriculture. Why invest in a sector where success is punished by price collapse and market saturation?

Critics will argue that import restrictions raise prices for consumers. That risk is real. But it is not the full story. Prices are already high, despite imports. Food insecurity persists, despite imports. Rural poverty deepens, despite imports. Import dependence has not delivered the outcomes it promised.

What it has delivered is convenience without capacity.

This is not an argument for permanent bans or isolation. It is an argument for discipline. Seasonal import controls tied to verified local supply. Clear thresholds. Transparent rules. When domestic tomatoes are available between November and March, imports pause. When the season ends, they resume. Farmers know the rules. Traders know the rules. Consumers understand the trade-off.

Many countries do this quietly. They do not call it nationalism. They call it planning.

There is also a moral dimension we rarely confront. A country that says “we will import everything until you are competitive” is really saying “we are comfortable never becoming productive.” That is not realism. It is surrender dressed up as pragmatism.

Lesotho’s problem is not that it produces too much. It is that it produces too little, and even when it does produce, it receives no policy signal that the effort is valued.

Perhaps Lesotho should not ban the importation of fresh produce available locally. Or perhaps it should, selectively and seasonally. But what cannot continue is a system where the appearance of local production is treated as irrelevant.

If producing food does not change the rules of the market, then producing food will eventually stop.

And when that happens, imports will not save us. They will simply own us.

Independent business & current affairs journalism · Lesotho Subscribe — M85/month
| Independent business & current affairs journalism · Lesotho