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The Hidden Crisis Facing Lesotho’s Journalists

For many journalists, it begins with a dream, a passion to inform, a desire to speak truth to power, and an ambition to write stories that shape society. But for many early-career journalists and newly graduated workers engaged as interns in Lesotho’s media houses, their dreams are turned into a nightmare. As journalists strive to hold power accountable, few realise that many of them are themselves victims of a broken media system in urgent need of reforms.

Behind the news headlines they write are stories of unpaid labour, toxic working environments and a lack of institutional support for their mental health. And yet, there is no one to hold their employers accountable because there is no association or union for the welfare of journalists.

Seventeen journalists interviewed for the purpose of this piece, of which seven spoke on record while 10 declined to speak on the record and participated in numbers for this investigation, cited fears of blacklisting, loss of employment or reputational damage. This shows a media culture where silence ensures survival. 

Below are responses from journalists who did not want to participate in the investigation: 

Journalist 1- The Post Newspaper 

I cannot share details of my working environment, they will put my job on the line as much as I want to help. 

Journalist 2- Moeletsi oa Basotho and Lesotho Today

I am currently busy, but I am afraid of getting in trouble with my bosses when they learn about my taking part in the investigation. 

Journalist 3 – Lesotho Times

I consulted my bosses about responding and they said I am tarnishing the company’s name since I am already talking to you, threatening to fire me. I can no longer be part of this investigation.

Journalist 4 – Radio Lesotho

I am afraid to respond to your questions while I still work here. It is a threat to my job.

Journalist 5 – former employee with The Post Newspaper 

My relationship with my former colleagues is very sour and I want nothing to do with that company. Also, the way I left was not good.

Journalist 6 – former employee with The Post Newspaper 

I am afraid I cannot be part of this study. I could be blacklisted, not just in journalism but wherever I would wish to apply for jobs.

Journalist 7 – former employee with The Post Newspaper 

I have not been with The Post for a long time and this can threaten my job. 

Journalist 8 – Public Eye

I do not think I can comment on this. Every media house has its complexities, which I am not ready to talk about.  

Journalist 9 – The Reporter

Sorry, I am not comfortable answering.

Journalist 10 – The Reporter 

I cannot answer, I am sorry. I am no longer with the company. 

Yet, those who shared their experiences exposed issues, struggles and the state of journalism in Lesotho, a profession that promises truth but often delivers trauma.

An anonymous former employee of Informative Newspaper described a working environment that is toxic, where employees worked without formal contracts and were filled with mental suffering without institutional support in place.

“There was no formal contract, it was a verbal agreement. Sometimes there was no payment and no one would explain anything. It felt like modern-day slavery,” she shares.

She further indicated that mental health was never considered. She ended up experiencing panic attacks and sleep paralysis which led to her resignation.

“We stayed because of desperation. Media managers feed on vulnerability,” she stated.

Safety was also a concern. She said at times they would be given assignments that needed them to be dispatched early in the morning and late at night without transportation allowances.

Thapelo Moeketsi, a seasoned journalist with seven years in the field, is another victim of this modern-day slavery who has not been paid for his work. He worked for MafetengCommunity Radio Station and later joined the Weekly Observer.

“I was told I was volunteering. At first, I did not mind, I was driven by passion. I did not just fall in love with it, I went to school to study it” he said.

However, in his recent job, he was promised transport and telecommunications allowance, all of which he never received. He said he’d often pay for his transport out of his pocket and wrote stories that would never be published.

“It is called exploitation,” he said.

He said the environment was welcoming at first but eventually turned toxic. 

“I felt overworked, unsupported and began questioning whether I was even good at this profession.”

Despite experiencing anxiety and depression, Moeketsireported the situation to his supervisors. Their response was always vague. They promised things would change, but nothing ever did.

Moeketsi said that he never received a contract, it was a verbal agreement.

“I thought of quitting, but my passion keeps me here. Journalism has the power to hold the government accountable and that is what keeps me going. Amidst the experience, I am grateful for the opportunities because they made me who I am today,” Moeketsi concluded.

‘Malebabo Majoro’s experience at Mxxl Radio, Lesotho Times and Lesotho Tribune reveals a systemic pattern of neglect for interns. At Mxxl Radio, she said there was no supervision. Internship students had to figure things out themselves and relied on an outsider to write their reports.

“We left with nothing learned,” she said.

Majoro described the Lesotho Times newsroom as a toxic culture where newcomers were mocked. She said one would be mocked for mistakes and denied credit for the work they were assigned.

At Lesotho Tribune, she found herself paid below the minimum living wage. She said it was impossible to survive in this economy. She ultimately left journalism after experiencing severe burnout and underpayment.

The crisis deepens as recurring stories reveal a consistent pattern of young journalists being exploited by working long hours for little to no compensation, denied their voices in newsrooms/ articles and suffering emotionally and mentally, with no support systems in place.

Anonymous, who worked with Newsday, The Mail and 357 FM Radio Station, highlighted that for journalists to be paid, they are told to source potential advertisers, an experience she described as overtime for doing your job as a journalist and marketing personnel.

Another anonymous person who worked with The Post Newspaper said they were never paid for their work. 

“They told me that the company has no money as they make money through advertising.”

She said she was promised compensation for her work, but up to this day, she has not received anything.

“The energy in the newsroom was okay between the co-workers, but the toxicity came from the management who displayed favouritism in broad daylight. Some people’s work was published while others were not. The management would choose people to assign and communicate to,” explained anonymous from Newsday.

Another anonymous with Informative and Lesotho Times added to these by stressing that the supervisors are the ones exerting toxicity, which made it impossible for many to report it.

Working hours were excessive, with no compensation or contracts, just appointment letters lacking termination clauses. She ultimately left journalism after experiencing severe burnout and underpayment.

Beneath the exhaustion and exploitation lies a growing crisis that is often overlooked, which is mental health.

“I had panic attacks and sleep paralysis. All I thought about was work,” a former Informative journalist confided.

Many speak of anxiety, burnout and depression. SelloaneNyakane, who worked with the Lesotho Tribune, was eventually diagnosed with major depression.

“That was the final straw. I had to resign and choose my mental health,” she said.

Journalism is more than a profession for many Basotho journalists, but it is a calling. They enter newsrooms with positive thinking, carrying not just notebooks but a hope to make a difference. But once inside, that hope meets a brutal reality.

Bokang Masasa, Editor at Lesotho Tribune, acknowledged the difficult conditions but framed internships as character-building.

“I always tell my internship students that in this life, especially in Lesotho, you get motivated by hunger to work harder and rise above starvation.”

Masasa emphasised that internships are meant for light work and grooming. She said they, however, are very sensitive when it comes to the issue of taking internship students since their budget is limited and cannot afford to give them monthly stipends while attached with them. 

While she acknowledged that mental health is a sensitive issue in journalism, she stated that there are no well-being policies in place at Lesotho Tribune for their staff and in any other media house.

She further highlighted that media houses depend significantly on advertisements for their sustainability and to pay salaries, Lesotho Tribune included, however portraying the advertising market as highly competitive, “making it challenging for us to attract clients.”

“Despite our limitations, we strive to share the little revenue we generate among our employees to keep them motivated during these tough times, meeting them halfway in terms of transportation to their assignment destinations and making sure they carry out their tasks without feeling any weight in their pockets,” said Masasa.

Most of the journalists interviewed joined the industry through internships. However, they were rarely paid, a fact some managers defend.

Abel Chapatarongo, CEO of The Post Newspaper portrayed that they are not under any obligation to pay interns. They are paid by MNDS as stated in their internship documentation.

 “Those not paid had an agreement with us beforehand. We strive to create a happy family at The Post,” he said.

Chapatarongo maintained that employees are paid above the minimum wage but declined to share figures for confidentiality.

On mental health support, he said, “It’s not our area. That should come from the government.”

The Editor-in-chief of The Post, Shakeman Mugari, defended unpaid internships as standard practice worldwide.

“Interns are given resources like transport. We do not see them as labour, but as training opportunities.”

But unpaid internships are no joke. According to 

Under Lesotho’s Labour Act No. 3 of 2024, unpaid internships are a violation of workers’ rights. The act states “worker means a person who performs work in any capacity for an employer or at an employer’s business or undertaking”.  It further states that workers must be paid for an average total of 246 hours monthly, with specific overtime rates for hours beyond 195. This definition clearly includes interns, as they perform work within an employer’s business. 

Therefore, not paying interns for their labour is not only a violation of the Labour Act but also a breach of their human rights.  

They are also a direct contradiction to the country’s commitments under the International Labour Organisation, which are workers’ rights to be protected at the workplace and to adopt adequate work practices and environment control measures, which do not put workers’ lives under a safety and health crisis. 

Yet, for many interns, unpaid work becomes the only entry point into journalism, with no clear path forward.

Caswell Tlali, another Editor at The Post, admitted “We are not medical doctors. We are a profit-making company. But it is an eye-opener that serious mental health issues exist.”

Many journalists interviewed revealed they did not report their mistreatment because there were no institutions to turn to. 

“Who do you complain to when your manager is the problem?” asked one journalist who worked with Newsday, The Mail and 357 FM. 

She never received payment during her three years in the industry.

“I was told the company was still growing and needed us to bring advertisers,” she explained. “Favouritism thrived. There were no contracts, and I have no motivation to return to work,” said an anonymous person from The Post.

Anonymous from Newsday described management as unqualified and driven by personal agendas, saying many of them cannot even define journalism ethics and it is frustrating to be led by people who never studied journalism.

Tlotliso Mokone, a psychologist with Q&G Psychological Support, showed that she had treated journalists experiencing burnout and trauma though confidentiality prevents her from naming individuals.

“Journalists face PTSD, burnout, anxiety, depression and substance abuse. They are high-risk due to constant exposure to trauma and tight deadlines,” she said.

Mental health care in Lesotho is limited. According to the World Health Organisation, the country has only 0.06 psychiatrists per 100,000 people.

“There’s also stigma, lack of awareness, and very few youth-friendly services,” Mokone added.

She noted that when media institutions ignore journalists’ trauma, consequences include increased turnover, poor job performance, and damage to personal relationships. “Most media houses do not fund mental health care. That exacerbates everything.”

According to Advocate Matalenta Pheko, Lesotho lacks a comprehensive legal framework protecting journalists or whistle-blowers. 

“There is no shield law. No explicit protections. The Constitution provides general freedom of expression, but no specific statutes support press workers.”

She added that defamation lawsuits are often used to silence critical journalism, leading to self-censorship. Also, the law should distinguish between malicious falsehoods and factual reporting.”

Advocate Jobo Lephuthing concurred. 

“Journalists have failed to push for laws protecting themselves. In some cases, journalists are co-opted by political factions and compromise ethics.”

The result is not just fear, but paralysis. Important stories go unwritten. Investigations are not pursued. The press, instead of acting as a watchdog to hold those in power accountable, is being silenced and made to obey them.

The investigating journalist attempted to secure interviews with several key stakeholders regarding the issue. The Principal Secretary at the Ministry of Communications, Science and Technology received the interview questions but did not respond. Follow-up calls were made, but he did not answer.

Again, one of Lesotho Times’ management informed the investigator off record that they would not be responding to the interview request. Mxxl Radio management also received the interview questions but did not provide any response, despite follow-up efforts made before the publication of the article. While the Editor of Informative showed that she would not respond after learning of the investigation.

However, Maqalika Matsepe from the Ministry of Labour stated that the Labour Act protects all workers, including journalists, although it does not mention them specifically.

Kananelo Boloetse, Chairperson of the Journalists Association of Lesotho, admitted that there is currently no active association for journalist welfare. He also represents MISA Lesotho, which advocates for media rights but does not function as a union.

He emphasises the need for a journalist union and an independent media council.  Stressing that they advocate for press freedom, but they need structural change. Without enforceable labour standards, they are fighting with one hand tied.

The result is not just fear, but paralysis. Important stories go unwritten. Investigations are not pursued. The press, instead of acting as a watchdog to hold those in power accountable, is being silenced and made to obey them.

This investigation reveals a systemic crisis that Lesotho’s journalists are suffering emotionally, financially and professionally in silence. Without contracts, legal protections, mental health support or institutional allies, they are forced to choose between exploitation and exit.

The silence from the Ministry of Communications and major media houses speaks volumes. Meanwhile, journalists continue to work under informal arrangements, sometimes without pay, often without recognition and frequently at the expense of their mental health.

Media reform is no longer a distant goal, it is a pressing necessity. Journalists are calling for reforms that include: enforceable labour contracts for all media workers, a journalist union to advocate for fair pay and working conditions, mental health support embedded in newsrooms, legal reforms to protect journalists from intimidation and defamation and clear government support for media independence and sustainability.

“I still believe in journalism. I believe in the power of stories. But we deserve better. Until real change comes, more journalists will suffer or leave,” said Nyakane.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account. But who holds media institutions accountable when they mistreat their own?

This investigation found out that many journalists earn between nothing to minimum of M500 a month and this alone shows how the system is failing them. It is the broken structures, weak legal frameworks  that leave the media fraternity exposed, undervalued and easy to exploit.  The problem is not the journalists, but it is the broken system that continues to fail the very people who keep the public informed

Ministry of Energy Pledges M30 million for Water Supply Projects

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The Minister of Natural Resources and Energy, MohlomiMoleko, introduced to the public more than 30 contractors appointed by the ministry to implement rural water supply and sanitation works across the country earlier this week in Maseru. 

Construction of these projects kicked off on Tuesday, December 9.

These projects represent a significant step in expanding access to clean and safe water for the Basotho, particularly in areas that have long awaited improved services. 

Speaking at the introduction meeting, Moleko said, despite having abundant water resources, supplying neighbouring countries with more than 40 percent of its water, it was very embarrassing that a huge population of Basotho was still without adequate clean water and sanitation. 

Therefore, to compensate for this embarrassment, the government has allocated M30 million for these water projects. 

When he first got into office, Moleko said the village water supply budget rested at just M7 million while the rural water supply budget was M70 million, thereby warning contractors that they’ll be working on a very reduced budget.

Because of this reason, he emphasised the need for diligent work and timely delivery. 

The ministry said in the district of Quthing alone, about 329 community members who relied on 47 latrines will benefit directly from the water project. 

In the constituency of Mekaling, about 853 community members who drank from solar boreholes and gravity systems, with an estimated 100 latrines will also benefit from the project, ensuring that everyone in the constituency and countrywide has access to clean water. 

These water projects reinforce the ministry’s focus on bringing reliable water and sanitation services closer to Basotho. 

By involving communities in the project, the ministry strengthens accountability and ensures that the work responds to real needs on the ground. 

It therefore remains committed to accelerating water access across the country, ensuring every Mosotho has access to safe and clean drinking water.

Attack on Lesotho Tribune exposes new front in media intimidation

Lesotho Tribune can confirm that a coordinated digital attack was recently directed at its proprietor, Phafane Nkotsi, in what the newspaper views as a deliberate attempt to intimidate and silence an independent media institution.

The incident began with unauthorised security prompts and verification requests on Nkotsi’s personal Facebook account, followed by its sudden disablement under highly damaging allegations. The sequence and timing strongly suggest an effort to compromise the account in the mistaken belief that doing so would grant access to Lesotho Tribune’s official Facebook page, with the apparent objective of deleting or disabling the newspaper’s digital presence.

That assumption was incorrect.

Facebook’s own Page Transparency records confirm that Phafane Nkotsi is not an administrator of the Lesotho Tribune Facebook page. The page was created on 9 August 2021, has never changed its name, and is managed by a distributed team based primarily in Lesotho, with an additional administrator located outside the country. Control of the page is therefore not dependent on any single individual’s personal account.

As a result, all Lesotho Tribune platforms remain active, secure, and fully operational.

The newspaper notes that this incident reflects a broader and increasingly dangerous trend in which journalists and publishers are targeted through digital means rather than open engagement or lawful challenge. Instead of rebutting reporting, powerful interests resort to account takeovers, malicious reporting, and reputational smears designed to remove journalists from public platforms altogether.

Such tactics amount to a form of digital intimidation and indirect censorship. While less visible than physical threats or legal harassment, they are no less effective in undermining press freedom, particularly in environments where social media platforms are central to news distribution and public discourse.

Lesotho Tribune views the abuse of platform enforcement systems to suppress journalism as a serious threat to democratic accountability. When journalists can be silenced through coordinated digital attacks or false reporting mechanisms, the public’s right to information is placed at risk.

The newspaper is engaging relevant channels to address the abuse of digital platforms involved in this incident. It nonetheless wishes to assure readers that its editorial independence, investigative work, and commitment to public-interest reporting remain unchanged.

Attempts to silence journalism often expose the very interests they seek to protect.

Lesotho Tribune will continue to publish without fear or favour.

Botswana U-turns…Reinstates Import Restrictions on Key Vegetables

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Botswana has reimposed sweeping restrictions on a wide range of vegetable imports, marking a dramatic reversal from the liberalisation path the country had taken over the past year. In a new circular issued on 8 December 2025, the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture placed tomatoes, potatoes, onions, cabbage, peppers, garlic, butternut and several other staples back on the Restricted List “until further notice.”

The ministry cites “relatively high local production and availability” as the justification, urging consumers to buy locally. But the decision is politically charged and economically consequential, coming barely a year after the Duma Boko administration dismantled former president Mokgweetsi Masisi’s import bans, calling them backward, distortionary and harmful to household food security.

A Reversal of the Reversal

When President Boko assumed office in December 2024, his administration moved swiftly to remove Masisi-era import bans in two phases. At the time, government argued that restricting vegetable imports was not sound economic policy, especially in a country that had not yet achieved true agricultural self-sufficiency.

The announcement was warmly received in South Africa. Producers and exporters celebrated, calling the lifting of the bans “a bold move” that restored rational trade relations between the two economies.

Earlier this year, the South African Agricultural Business Chamber issued a pointed statement praising Botswana’s new stance:

“We are encouraged that the leadership in Botswana has decided to lift the ban on vegetable imports from South Africa. The new administration under President Duma Boko wants to ensure that the people of Botswana have access to high-quality agriculture and food products.

The people of Botswana will now have access to better-priced and high-quality vegetables from South Africa. In November 2024, South Africa’s vegetables were deflated (-2,6%). Meanwhile, in Botswana, vegetable price inflation was still double digits. This speaks to the difficulty the households had to ensure and the potential benefits of affordable prices in the coming months.”

That praise now sits awkwardly against this week’s announcement.

What is Restricted Now

According to the updated circular, the following commodities are restricted from importation with immediate effect:

• Tomatoes

• Potatoes

• White and red cabbage

• White and red onions

• Watermelon

• Green pepper

• Cucumber

• Beetroot

• Carrot

• Lettuce

• Ginger

• Red and yellow peppers

• Garlic

• Butternut

Only strawberries have been “wholly lifted” from restriction.

The ministry offers no timeframe for reassessment, leaving the intervention open-ended.

Economic and Political Implications

The reinstated restrictions raise sharp questions about policy consistency in Botswana’s agricultural sector. While the government now cites adequate domestic production as justification, critics will likely ask whether this is a genuine assessment or a political recalibration driven by internal pressures from local producers.

The earlier easing of restrictions had been touted as a pro-poor move to lower food prices. South Africa’s vegetable inflation was negative at the time, while Botswana’s remained in double digits, making imports an essential stabiliser for household budgets. With the return of restrictions, the risk of price escalation returns as well.

This move also exposes Botswana to criticism for flip-flopping within a short period, leaving traders and producers uncertain about long-term policy direction. Importers who had restructured supply chains in anticipation of a liberalised regime may now face losses.

A Familiar Debate Returns

Botswana’s agricultural strategy has long oscillated between protectionism for local farmers and liberalisation for consumer benefit. Masisi’s bans were widely criticised for fuelling food inflation. Boko’s reversal was hailed as a reset towards evidence-based policy.

Now, the pendulum swings back once again.

The ministry’s notice urges citizens to buy locally, but without a clear public assessment of local capacity, yield stability, or market readiness, the decision may reignite debates about whether protectionist policies truly serve consumers, farmers, or political interests.

What remains certain is that households, traders, and regional suppliers will all be watching closely to see whether this latest intervention brings stability or simply adds another twist in Botswana’s turbulent agricultural policy landscape.

Nigeria Sends Soldiers, Jets Into Benin to Stop Coup Attempt

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Nigeria’s military sent fighter jets and ground forces into neighboring Benin to support President Patrice Talon, after a group of soldiers attempted to seize control of the tiny West African nation.

The Nigerian Air Force helped dislodge the “coup plotters” from Benin’s national TV station and a military camp, President Bola Tinubu’s office said in a statement late on Sunday. Soldiers have been deployed for “missions approved” by Benin’s government, it said.

The Economic Community of West African States, a regional economic bloc, also sent its standby force to Benin — including troops from Ghana, Ivory Coast and Sierra Leone — to help support the security forces defending the country, according to a separate statement.

The response by neighboring states contrasts with Ecowas’s recent inaction in a region that’s been beset by coups over the past five years, including in Guinea-Bissau last month. Had it succeeded, the takeover would have been the 10th putsch in the region since 2020, adding to a wave of military power grabs stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.

Read More: Expanding Coup Belt Shows Up Regional Paper Tiger: Next Africa

Attempted Coup Follows Spate of Military Takeovers in Africa

Eight countries have had coups since Covid

While authorities quickly brought the attempted coup under control, the episode may signal risks for investors, potentially slowing economic momentum and reducing the country’s investment appeal, Léopold Adjakpa, Executive Director of the Private Investors Council in Benin, said by phone. 

Benin has about $2.5 billion of foreign-currency bonds of various maturities outstanding, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Its Cotonou port is an important transshipment hub for Nigeria.

The yield on Benin’s $750 million of eurobonds due 2038 jumped 26 basis point to 7.88% by 8:14 a.m. in London. The country in January issued $500 million of dollar bonds in the first sovereign issuance out of Africa this year, with demand for the issue at seven times the amount sought.

Read More: Benin’s $500m Bond Marks Africa’s First Debt Sale This Year

Talon said the situation was “totally under control” with mop-up operations underway to “clean up the last pockets of resistance from the mutineers” and to locate any individuals still held by the fleeing insurgents.

At least 14 coup plotters have been arrested, according to a presidency spokesman.

— With assistance from Ray Ndlovu, Robert Brand, and Neil Munshi

They buried the corruption report. Basotho must bury their careers

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Editorial 

Parliament received a report that exposes one of the most corrupt procurement scandals at Queen Mamohato Memorial Hospital. A report backed by evidence. A report that documents serious violations of the Procurement Act. A report that reveals how Foreign Affairs Minister’s wife manipulated processes, ignored procedures and signed an agreement with a company that NEVER participated in the procurement stages at all.

The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) did its work. It interviewed witnesses. It reviewed procurement documents. It examined every decision that led to this mess. Its recommendations were simple, lawful and urgent:

1. Terminate the contract between QMMH and Tsebo Health Solutions within 30 days, because it was improperly awarded.

2. Order the Auditor General to conduct a full audit within 60 days, to determine financial exposure and confirm any legal breaches.

3. Institute disciplinary action against all officials involved in conflicts of interest and procedural violations.

4. Seek expert guidance before attempting to lease private healthcare services in future, to protect public funds and ensure compliance.

These were not radical demands. They were the minimum standard for accountability. Yet twenty three Members of Parliament fought to bury this report. They chose secrecy instead of transparency. Protection instead of truth. Political survival instead of public interest.

Here are the twenty three who stood against accountability:

Nthomeng Majara (RFP)

Ntoi Rapapa (AD)

Mootsi Lehata (RFP)

Nthati Moorosi (RFP)

Pitso Lesaoana (RFP)

Thuso Makhalanyane (RFP)

Letsema Adonts’i (RFP)

Mamoipone Senauoane (RFP)

Tello Kibane (RFP)

Nku Mohlalise (RFP)

Lehlohonolo Hlapise (RFP)

Maimane Maphathe (RFP)

Lejone Mpotjoane (RFP)

M Ramakatsa (RFP)

Karabo Pholosa (RFP)

Chabaseile Mabusela (MEC)

Matankiso Nyaniso (RFP)

Vuyeswa Tsheka (RFP)

Teboho Malataliana (RFP)

Bolala Khesa (RFP)

Lehlohonolo Hlaphisi (RFP)

Malothoane (RFP)

M. Ramakatsa (RFP)

These are the MPs who believed Basotho did not deserve to know how their hospital was handed over through an irregular procurement process. They looked at a report exposing conflicts of interest, misleading documentation, procedural violations, and a contract signed by a company that did not even submit an Expression of Interest. Then they chose to hide it.

This is not leadership. It is corruption.

When these MPs come to your villages with polished speeches and warm handshakes, remember where they stood when the truth mattered. Remember that they hid evidence of wrongdoing in the health sector. Remember that they protected a broken system instead of protecting the people who elected them.

Lesotho cannot grow under leaders who defend secrecy at the expense of national wellbeing. The twenty three made their choice. Now Basotho must make theirs.

Their political careers should end exactly where the report they buried begins. With honesty. With accountability. With the people refusing to reward those who chose corruption over the nation.

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