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Funeral company board battle: court bid fails as meeting concludes before interdict served

Naledi Funeral Planners – Lesotho Tribune
Lesotho Tribune

Courts & Law  ·  Commercial Division

A Leribe funeral company’s boardroom has become a courtroom battleground, after a rival faction completed a contested directors’ meeting before the opposing shareholders could even serve their urgent interdict application.

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The High Court of Lesotho’s Commercial Division is seized with a dispute that cuts to the heart of corporate governance at Naledi Funeral Planners (Pty) Ltd, a private company registered under the laws of Lesotho and operating out of Sebothoane in Leribe. The matter, registered as CCA/0032/2026, pits five founding shareholders against a rival faction that says it was lawfully elected to run the company at an Annual General Meeting held on 16 January 2026.

At the centre of the dispute is Thabiso Madiba, the first respondent, who contends he was duly elected chairman at that AGM by a majority of shareholders and consequently appointed as a director of the company. Madiba and his co-directors say they have since been carrying out their duties without objection from the founding shareholders, communicating openly with all parties on governance and operational matters throughout early 2026.

A court order and its limits

The founding shareholders, led by Malefetsane Tlelima, tell a different story. Tlelima, who describes himself as chairman of the board and principal shareholder, obtained an interim court order in a separate application, CCA/0010/2026, before Justice Mokhesi on 29 January 2026. That order, granted by agreement between the parties, interdicted two specific AGMs from proceeding and set down a timeline for filing of affidavits and heads of argument.

Tlelima argues that the spirit of that order extended to all company meetings, that the directorship question is still sub judice, and that the Madiba faction acted in contempt by proceeding with a board meeting on 29 April 2026. Madiba’s answer is precise: the January order was limited by its own terms to two shareholder AGMs. No court, he contends, has ever prohibited the newly elected board from conducting ordinary operational meetings.

“There is no existing order of court that prohibits us from acting as lawful directors of the company.”

Thabiso Madiba, first respondent  ·  Answering affidavit, CCA/0032/2026

The meeting that proceeded anyway

The procedural facts give the respondents considerable ground to stand on. When Tlelima’s attorneys filed the urgent application on 29 April 2026, seeking to interdict a board meeting scheduled for 15:30 hours that same afternoon, the respondents were only served the following day, 30 April. The meeting had long concluded. Two independent directors, Advocate Khotso Nthontho and Mr Tedious Msipa, had been duly appointed by resolution in accordance with the company’s articles of incorporation.

Madiba’s answering affidavit is methodical in its rebuttal. He attaches the minutes of the 29 April meeting, letters of appointment for the new directors, and email correspondence confirming that shareholders, including those aligned with Tlelima, acknowledged receipt of the meeting outcomes without objection. He further notes that the company secretary, Advocate Peter Matekane, was wrong to refuse the convening instruction, given that Madiba’s directorship had not been set aside by any court order.

Four preliminary objections

The respondents raise four preliminary points that, if upheld, would dispose of the matter without reaching the merits. First, they argue the application lacks urgency because the applicants were aware of the planned meeting from 24 April 2026 and took no immediate action. Second, they invoke lis pendens, arguing that the same parties, the same subject matter, and substantially the same relief are already before the court in CCA/0010/2026, making the fresh application an impermissible duplication. Third, they argue non-joinder, noting that the two newly appointed independent directors have a direct interest in the outcome but were not cited as respondents. Fourth, they argue mis-joinder, contending that the Registrar of Companies and the Attorney General have no legal interest in what is, at its core, a private company directorship dispute.

An application that “overtook itself”

Madiba’s most pointed submission is reserved for the sequence of events on 29 April itself. He argues that by the time the application was served, the very relief it sought had been overtaken by events. The meeting had been held, resolutions passed, and directors appointed. The applicants, he says, now have no basis for a prospective interdict against a meeting that has already concluded.

On the substantive question of who legitimately governs Naledi Funeral Planners, the respondents point to AGM minutes, formal removal letters sent to the founding directors, and an unbroken record of the Madiba faction performing directorship functions since January 2026. Madiba contends that not once, until the filing of this application, did Tlelima or his co-applicants formally object in writing to the respondents’ conduct as directors.

A pattern of procedural delay

The respondents reserve their most serious criticism for what they characterise as a deliberate pattern of procedural abuse. In CCA/0010/2026, the applicants obtained an urgent interdict, benefited from court indulgences when their counsel fell ill, and then failed to appear for a scheduled status hearing on 20 April 2026. The matter has not been enrolled for hearing. The rule, the respondents argue, has lapsed by virtue of the applicants’ own inaction.

That submission touches a live nerve in Lesotho’s commercial litigation landscape, where urgent applications obtained on the strength of interim relief can lie dormant for months while the applicant retains the practical benefit of the order. The respondents say this is precisely what has happened, and that the present application is an attempt to compound the problem by obtaining a second layer of interim relief in a fresh matter, without pursuing the original case to finality.

Madiba and his co-directors are represented by M.S. Legal Minds Chambers of Maseru. They pray that the application be dismissed with costs on the attorney-and-client scale. The matter was set down before the Commercial Division on 4 May 2026. The Tribune will report further as the proceedings develop.

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Kamoli trial: defence to continue case as Makara cross-examination resumes

Lesotho Tribune — Kamoli trial preview
Lesotho Tribune
Maseru  ·  Independent News for Lesotho & Southern Africa
Courts  ·  Murder Trial

Nine soldiers, including former army commander Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli, face charges linked to the 2015 fatal shooting of Lieutenant General Maaparankoe Mahao at Mokema.

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The defence in the murder trial of nine soldiers, including former army commander Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli, will continue presenting its case before the High Court on June 08, 2026.

The case is before Justice Charles Hungwe, where cross-examination of Captain Haleeo Makara is expected to continue.

Captain Makara, one of the accused in the matter, told the court that he was part of the military team sent to Mokema on June 25, 2015 to arrest former army commander Lieutenant General Maaparankoe Mahao. He admitted during his testimony that he was the one who shot Mahao during the operation.

The defence maintains that the operation was lawful and aimed at suppressing mutiny within the army. However, the prosecution argues that Mahao’s killing was a planned murder.

“The prosecution argues that Mahao’s killing was a planned murder.”

Crown Counsel  ·  High Court of Lesotho

According to the defence, Mahao was armed at the time of the incident and posed a danger to the leader of the arrest team, the late Captain Tefo Hashatsi. The court heard that Hashatsi repeatedly instructed Mahao to get out of his vehicle so he could be arrested.

The defence further argued that members of the arrest team acted to protect Hashatsi from what they believed was a threat from Mahao.

Another accused soldier, Captain Litekanyo Nyakane, has already testified before the court. In his evidence, he admitted being at Ha Lekete in Mokema though he did not commit any crime on the fateful day.

The nine accused

The soldiers face charges of murder, attempted murder, theft and unlawful damage to property linked to the June 25, 2015 incident at Mokema.

Former army commander Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli is the most senior of the accused. The case has attracted national attention for more than a decade.

Mahao was fatally shot on June 25, 2015, in a case that continues to attract national attention more than a decade later.

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Fuel prices to rise across all grades from Weds

Lesotho’s Petroleum Fund has announced fuel price increases across all grades, effective Wednesday, 6 May 2026, at every retail outlet in the country.

Maseru — The Petroleum Fund announced on Today (Tues) that fuel prices will rise with effect from Wednesday, 6 May 2026. The increases affect petrol, diesel and paraffin nationwide.

Petrol 93 will rise by M2.90 per litre to a new pump price of M25.40, while Petrol 95 increases by M2.60 per litre to M25.90. Diesel 50 sees the sharpest adjustment, rising M4.25 per litre to M34.75. Paraffin, relied upon by low-income households for cooking and heating, will cost M22.50 per litre after a M1.20 increase.

Fuel Grade New price Increase
Petrol 93 ULP M25.40/litre ▲ M2.90
Petrol 95 ULP M25.90/litre ▲ M2.60
Diesel 50 ppm M34.75/litre ▲ M4.25
Paraffin Illuminating M22.50/litre ▲ M1.20

The Petroleum Fund urged all fuel retailers to comply immediately and to charge only the gazetted prices. Retailers found selling at unauthorised prices face legal action.

“Retailers are reminded that selling fuel at prices other than those gazetted constitutes a violation of the law and action will be taken.” — ‘Makananelo Kome (Adv.), Interim Chief Executive Officer, Petroleum Fund

The public may report non-compliant outlets by calling the Petroleum Fund’s toll-free line: 80022004.

Copies of the official gazette are available at the Petroleum Fund’s offices at LCCI Building, Orpen Road, Old Europa, Maseru, and on the fund’s website at www.petroleum.org.ls.

Senate warns of worsening prison conditions in Lesotho

Senate warns of worsening prison conditions in Lesotho — Lesotho Tribune
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A Senate committee has sounded a strong warning about the state of prisons in Lesotho, saying conditions are worsening due to overcrowding, lack of funds, and weak health and security systems.

The alarm was raised by the Government Assurances Committee after it visited several correctional facilities across the country. Presenting the findings before the Senate, Senator Mawinnie Kanetsi said what the committee observed on the ground shows deep, long-standing problems within the Lesotho Correctional Services.

According to the report, the challenges are not small or temporary. They are part of a system that is struggling to function properly. The committee found that poor infrastructure, limited resources, and growing inmate numbers are putting pressure on both prisoners and staff.

One of the biggest concerns highlighted in the report is lack of funding. The committee said the Correctional Services has not been receiving its full budget over the years. This has made it difficult to carry out basic duties such as maintaining buildings and ensuring safe living conditions.

Senator Kanetsi explained that because of this, the department is forced to depend on the Ministry of Public Works and Transport for repairs and maintenance. However, this arrangement has its own problems. Repairs often take too long, and in some cases the work done is not up to standard.

The committee described the current annual maintenance budget of M112,000 as far too low. It said the amount does not match the size of the task at hand, especially as facilities continue to age and the number of inmates increases.

Overcrowding is another major issue raised in the report. Many prison cells are holding far more inmates than they were designed for. This has created difficult and sometimes dangerous living conditions.

The committee warned that overcrowding affects more than just comfort. It also raises serious safety concerns. When too many inmates are kept in tight spaces, tensions rise. This can lead to violence, increase gang activity, and make it harder for officers to maintain order.

Staff shortages are making the situation worse. With fewer officers available to monitor large numbers of inmates, security risks grow. The committee said this puts both inmates and prison staff in danger.

The report also looked closely at living conditions inside the facilities. One place that drew particular concern is the Maseru Central Correctional Institution.

At this facility, the committee found that some inmates are kept in one-room cells that include toilets inside the same space where they sleep. These toilets are not properly separated and have poor ventilation.

The committee said this setup is not acceptable. It creates serious hygiene problems and increases the risk of disease. Living in such conditions, the report noted, can also affect the mental health of inmates.

“These are not just comfort issues. They are matters of dignity, health, and basic human rights.”

The committee stressed that correctional facilities are meant to rehabilitate offenders, not expose them to conditions that may worsen their situation. It warned that if the current problems are not addressed, prisons may fail to serve their purpose.

Healthcare services inside the facilities were also found to be lacking. The report pointed to gaps in medical care, limited access to treatment, and shortages of medical staff. This is especially worrying in overcrowded environments where diseases can spread quickly.

The committee urged the government to take immediate action. It recommended increasing the budget for the Correctional Services to allow for proper maintenance, improved living conditions, and better healthcare.

It also called for long-term solutions to overcrowding. These could include building new facilities, expanding existing ones, or finding alternative sentencing options for minor offences to reduce the number of inmates.

Another key recommendation was improving staffing levels. The committee said more officers are needed to manage facilities safely and effectively.

Despite the challenges, the committee acknowledged the efforts of correctional staff who continue to work under difficult conditions. However, it stressed that without proper support, their efforts may not be enough.

The report has now been tabled before the Senate, where it is expected to guide discussions on reforms within the prison system.

Observers say the findings highlight a broader issue about how correctional systems are managed and funded. They argue that prisons are often overlooked in national planning, even though they play a key role in justice and public safety.

The committee’s message is clear: urgent action is needed. Without it, conditions in Lesotho’s prisons may continue to decline, putting lives and rights at risk. The government is yet to respond in detail to the report, but pressure is mounting for meaningful change.

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Family’s grief deepens as hospital admits bite marks found on teenager’s body

Lesotho Tribune – Article Body Preview
Correction This article has been edited. A statement by Superintendent Mohai of the Lesotho Mounted Police Service was incorrectly attributed as a direct quotation. It has been corrected to reported speech. The Lesotho Tribune apologises to Superintendent Mohai.
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When the Thoahlane family entrusted their daughter Pulane, aged 15, to Queen ‘Mamohato Memorial Hospital on 28 March, they left confident she would receive proper treatment for tuberculosis and return home soon. What followed over the next four days would shatter that confidence entirely.

Pulane had been diagnosed with TB and referred to QMMH for specialised care. Upon admission, all required paperwork was completed and the family departed in good faith. When they returned the following day during visiting hours, they were told she had been moved to the Intensive Care Unit. Medical staff had found that she also suffered from pneumonia, which had compromised her breathing and necessitated the transfer.

The family left without seeing her, hoping to do so the next day. Instead, on 30 March, they arrived to be told their daughter had died.

No one had contacted the family to inform them of her passing. The news was conveyed to them only when they arrived for the regular visiting period, a circumstance that compounded their shock. Overwhelmed with grief, they left without viewing the body, agreeing to return on 31 March to arrange the transfer of remains to the mortuary of their choice.

That return visit became the first time the family saw Pulane after her death, and what they saw disturbed them profoundly. Her lips bore bite marks that appeared to have been inflicted by a small animal, possibly a rat, with visible scarring around the affected areas.


The family reported their findings to hospital management, which convened a meeting chaired by Dr Ranyali, the hospital director. The hospital acknowledged responsibility for the body while in its care but could not determine whether the injuries occurred in the ward or in the morgue. Staff indicated that the body had arrived at the morgue already in that condition.

A case was subsequently lodged at Lithabeng Police Station and a post-mortem conducted. The examination confirmed bite marks consistent with a small animal, although it could not be established whether they occurred before or after death, or in which area of the facility.

Key Facts

28 March: Pulane Thoahlane (15) admitted to QMMH for tuberculosis treatment.

29 March: Family informed she has been transferred to ICU following a pneumonia diagnosis.

30 March: Family informed of her death during regular visiting hours, without prior notification.

31 March: Family views the body for the first time; bite marks observed on the lips.

Compensation offered: M15,000, then M20,000. Both declined by the family.

The hospital offered the family M15,000 in compensation. The family declined. A further M5,000 was added to the offer; that too was refused. Hospital management then advised the family to pursue any further action through available legal channels, stating it could provide no additional support. No further communication has been received by the family.

The then Minister of Health, Selibe Mochoboroane, was informed of the incident but neither contacted the family nor participated in any subsequent meetings. He did not respond to inquiries from the Lesotho Tribune seeking comment.


Superintendent Mohai of the Lesotho Mounted Police Service confirmed that a case had been opened regarding the discovery of bite marks on the body. He noted that the marks were not present at the time of her admission, and that a second case of a similar nature had been reported against the hospital.

Sources familiar with the hospital’s morgue facility described conditions consistent with the possibility of rodent access. Several windows are reportedly left open, and the low level of activity within the morgue creates an environment in which animals could enter undetected. Given that the family had indicated they would collect the body the following morning, it is believed the remains may have been left on a mortuary table overnight, providing access to the injuries observed.

The Thoahlane family has received no closure, no formal explanation of the circumstances surrounding Pulane’s death, and no accountability from the authorities they expected to protect her.

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Lesotho Tribune  ·  lesothotribune.co.ls Health & Society

China opens its market to all of Africa: a new chapter in South-South trade

Lesotho Tribune – China-Africa Zero Tariff
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At the stroke of midnight on 1 May, a container truck rolled through Shenzhenwan Port carrying 24 tonnes of South African apples. In that unremarkable moment of commerce, something historic occurred: the first goods to enter China under a sweeping new trade arrangement that grants zero-tariff access to all 53 African nations with which Beijing maintains diplomatic relations.

The apples, cleared swiftly by customs officers in the early hours of Friday, are bound for supermarkets and wholesale markets across China. Their tariff rate fell from 10 per cent to zero overnight, a reduction that signals not only lower prices on Chinese shelves but a far-reaching shift in the architecture of China-Africa trade.

For Lesotho and its neighbours across southern Africa, the policy arrives with immediate and tangible force. South African citrus fruits and wine, Kenyan coffee and avocados, Ghanaian and Ivorian cocoa, and a range of processed goods that previously faced tariffs of between 8 and 30 per cent now enter the world’s second-largest economy duty-free.

$348bn China-Africa trade in 2025, a record high, up 17.7% year on year
53 African nations now covered by China’s full zero-tariff framework
27.5× Growth in China-Africa trade over the past two decades

China’s commerce ministry described the move as making China the first major economy to provide unilateral, full-coverage zero-tariff treatment to all African countries with which it has diplomatic ties, and to all least developed countries globally. The initiative builds on a December 2024 measure that had already extended zero tariffs across 100 per cent of tariff lines to 33 least developed African nations.

The new phase brings in the remaining 20 African non-LDC economies, among them Kenya, Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa. For these countries, zero tariffs apply as a preferential rate for a two-year period running to 30 April 2028, during which Beijing intends to conclude a formal China-Africa Economic Partnership for Shared Development agreement that would enshrine the arrangement as a permanent institutional fixture.

“This is a fantastic opportunity. From 1 May, we will take full advantage of it.” — Parks Tau, South Africa’s Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition

The wider context is one of growing divergence in global trade policy. As several major economies have tightened market access and imposed new trade barriers in recent months, Beijing has moved in the opposite direction, positioning the zero-tariff initiative as evidence of its commitment to an open, rules-based trading system and as a concrete expression of its Global South solidarity.


African Union Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, speaking after the inaugural China-Africa Entrepreneurs Summit in Addis Ababa last week, described the policy as “very timely” for a continent that has borne the brunt of successive global crises and now faces fresh headwinds from protectionist measures elsewhere. “I would like to express, on behalf of the African Union Commission, our sincere gratitude for this very brotherly gesture that all Africans appreciate,” he said.

Analysts expect the effects to ripple well beyond a simple reduction in import prices. Tang Xiaoyang, dean of the Department of International Relations at Tsinghua University, noted that the initiative, unlike similar preferential policies offered by some Western nations, requires no reciprocal market opening from African partners and carries no conditions related to domestic governance. He argued that the approach would attract multinational manufacturers to establish assembly and processing bases in Africa, targeting the Chinese market through the new tariff window, thereby advancing the continent’s broader industrialisation drive.

Products set to benefit

South Africa: Citrus fruits, wine, apples — tariffs reduced from up to 30%.

Kenya: Coffee, avocados, purple tea — tariffs reduced from 8–15%.

Cote d’Ivoire & Ghana: Cocoa and processed cocoa products.

Ethiopia: Coffee beans, already gaining ground in the Chinese market.

Lesotho & SADC region: Textile and agricultural exports eligible under expanded framework.

The view from the private sector is equally bullish. Hunan Rift Valley Purple, a Chinese company operating a tea processing plant in Kenya, announced plans to increase imports of Kenyan purple tea under the new arrangement, with its regional director Long Sulan noting that the policy would raise the income of Kenyan tea farmers while bringing distinctive African flavours to a broader Chinese consumer base.

Chinese importers who have already built supply chains around Ethiopian coffee and South African wine say they expect the tariff removal to draw new entrants and deepen competition, ultimately expanding the range of African products available to China’s 1.4 billion consumers.


For Lesotho specifically, the implications require careful reading. The kingdom is classified as a least developed country and was among the 33 nations that gained zero-tariff access in December 2024. The May expansion therefore consolidates and deepens a framework already in place. The immediate opportunity lies in the country’s nascent agricultural processing sector and in encouraging investment that could shift exports away from raw materials toward finished goods, which attract higher prices and generate more domestic employment.

Zhao Yongsheng, a researcher at the University of International Business and Economics, identified this structural dimension as central to the policy’s long-term significance. Africa’s position in global supply chains as a raw-material exporter has historically constrained industrialisation. Combined with investment flows and technology transfer, he argued, the zero-tariff framework offers a route out of that trap, provided African governments act to build the processing capacity that will allow them to capture value before goods cross the border.

The China-Africa Economic Partnership for Shared Development agreement, due to be negotiated over the next two years, is expected to lock in the zero-tariff framework permanently and provide a more comprehensive institutional foundation for the relationship. China’s 15th Five-Year Plan, covering 2026 to 2030, explicitly commits Beijing to actively expanding high-standard opening-up and fostering a transparent, stable and predictable trade environment.

China has remained Africa’s largest trading partner for 16 consecutive years. The events of 1 May 2026, marked by a truckload of apples and a midnight customs clearance in Shenzhen, suggest that relationship is entering a new chapter.

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Lesotho Tribune  ·  lesothotribune.co.ls Trade & Economy

The policyholders nobody is talking about

Part Two: The policyholders nobody is talking about — Lesotho Tribune
Lesotho Tribune
Maseru · Lesotho
lesothotribune.co.ls
Series
Naledi Funeral Planners governance dispute  ·  Part Two of Two

Business · Corporate Governance · Part Two of Two

The boardroom battle at Naledi Funeral Planners has a cast of directors, lawyers, and shareholders. The people with the most to lose have none of those titles. They are the policyholders.

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While two rival factions fight for control of Naledi Funeral Planners in the courts and in corporate correspondence, the people most exposed to the fallout are not directors or shareholders. They are the policyholders across Leribe and surrounding districts who pay monthly premiums in the expectation that their families will be cared for when death arrives.

Part One of this series reported on the disputed Annual General Meeting of 16 January 2026, at which five directors were removed and three new ones elected, and on the subsequent court application by the removed directors that failed to secure interim relief. This second part examines what the prolonged governance vacuum means in practice, and what regulatory framework is supposed to govern companies like Naledi Funeral Planners.

Why funeral cover matters

Funeral cover is among the most widely held financial products in Lesotho and the broader Southern African region. For many low-income households, it is the only insurance policy they will ever take out.

The promise is straightforward: premium payments, however small, guarantee a dignified burial without burdening surviving family members with debt. That promise depends entirely on a solvent, well-governed company behind it.

A company operating without a functioning board, as Naledi Funeral Planners has been by its own admission since January 2026, has no mechanism for proper financial oversight, no authorised budget approval, and no governance structure capable of responding to operational crises.

“It is neither prudent nor responsible for an institution such as Naledi Funeral Planners to continue operating in a governance vacuum without proper management oversight and direction.”

Thabiso Madiba, Director — Shareholder Communiqué, 24 April 2026

The company’s shareholder communiqué confirms that the newly elected board led by Madiba alongside Khojane Madiba and Ts’olo Seutloali exercised deliberate restraint during the litigation period to avoid prejudicing the court proceedings. That restraint, however commendable as a legal strategy, had a structural consequence: board-level governance effectively ceased to function for the duration.

The communiqué does not state how long claims processing, premium collection, or staff management continued without board oversight, nor whether any operational decisions were deferred pending the governance resolution. Those questions remained unanswered at the time of publication. The Lesotho Tribune sought comment from the company’s Chief Executive Officer and from company secretary Peter Matekane but received no response.

The dispute also raises a direct question about Lesotho’s regulatory architecture for funeral service providers. Funeral parlours and burial societies occupy a complicated regulatory space across Southern Africa.

In South Africa, the Financial Sector Conduct Authority oversees funeral insurers as a category of long-term insurer, with capital adequacy requirements, fit-and-proper director standards, and reporting obligations designed precisely to protect policyholders in the kind of scenario now unfolding at Naledi Funeral Planners.

Lesotho’s financial services regulatory framework has historically lagged its larger neighbours in this area. The Central Bank of Lesotho has supervisory responsibilities over financial institutions, but the extent to which companies offering funeral cover products fall under its oversight depends on how those products are structured and licenced. The Lesotho Tribune was unable to confirm by publication time whether Naledi Funeral Planners holds a specific financial services licence or operates under a different regulatory category.

What is clear from the documents obtained by this newspaper is that the governance dispute produced a situation in which two sets of people simultaneously believed they had authority to approve the company’s budget, engage suppliers, authorise expenditure, and direct management.

The notice sent by Madiba to the five removed directors warned explicitly that any budget approved at an unauthorised board meeting would constitute irregular and unlawful expenditure, with personal civil and criminal liability for those responsible.

“Any costs incurred pursuant to such a meeting will be regarded as irregular and unlawful expenditure. The company reserves its rights to recover such costs personally from those responsible.”

Thabiso Madiba — Notice to former directors

For policyholders, the practical implications of that kind of financial paralysis are significant. If suppliers disengage because payment authorisation is disputed, service delivery suffers. If the budget for the year cannot be formally approved, operational planning is compromised. If management receives contradictory instructions from competing claimants to board authority, day-to-day decisions slow or stall.

The new board’s communiqué signals an intention to end this paralysis. It commits to resuming governance functions from 26 April 2026, convening a meeting to elect an additional independent director to complete the quorum, and then engaging formally with management and the broader company structures.

Whether the removed directors accept that framing, or whether they intensify their court challenge, will determine how quickly normal governance is restored. Their application, which has already been criticised in the communiqué for a lack of diligence in prosecution, remains before the court. If it reverts to the ordinary roll, resolution could be months away.

In the interim, the people paying premiums to Naledi Funeral Planners have no direct voice in the dispute. They are not parties to the litigation. They are not shareholders. They have no seat at the board table. Their only protection is the legal and regulatory framework that is supposed to ensure the company serving them remains solvent, accountable, and properly governed, regardless of who sits in the boardroom.

That framework is now being tested in Hlotse.

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End of series. The Lesotho Tribune will continue to follow developments in the Naledi Funeral Planners governance dispute. Anyone with information relevant to this report may contact the newsroom at lesothotribune.co.ls

A customs declaration that undermines the customs union

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Editorial: SARS and SACU — Lesotho Tribune
Lesotho Tribune
Editorial
Opinion & Analysis
The Tribune View
The editorial position of the Lesotho Tribune
Editorial · SACU & Regional Integration

The SARS directive requiring temporary importation declarations for all SACU vehicles is not a modernisation measure. It is an act of unilateral overreach that contradicts the founding logic of regional integration and must be contested before it takes effect.

There is a certain administrative tidiness to the South African Revenue Service’s announcement that all foreign-registered motor vehicles, including those from SACU member states, must complete a temporary importation declaration when crossing into South Africa from 1 June 2026. SARS frames it as a modernisation measure, a correction of a long-standing operational gap now made feasible by new technology. The Travel Management System is ready. The Moabi app is available. The old excuse of logistical difficulty no longer holds. Time, the revenue authority implies, to bring SACU vehicles into line with everyone else.

This newspaper rejects that reasoning entirely.

The Southern African Customs Union is not a bureaucratic convenience. It is a foundational compact between five nations, built on the premise that economic integration requires the free movement not only of goods but of people and their means of transport. To impose a customs declaration requirement on the private vehicles of citizens travelling between member states is to treat integration as a slogan and a border post as a revenue gate. It is, in plain terms, the wrong direction.

To impose a customs declaration requirement on the private vehicles of SACU citizens is to treat integration as a slogan and a border post as a revenue gate.

Consider the practical reality for Lesotho. This country is entirely enclosed within South Africa. There is no overland route to any other nation that does not pass through South African territory. Every Mosotho who drives a vehicle, whether for work, medical care, commerce, or family, must cross into South Africa. The SARS directive does not inconvenience that person mildly. It inserts a formal customs process into what was, by design and by treaty spirit, a routine movement. The fact that SARS has built an app for this purpose does not make the requirement proportionate. It makes it more efficient at being wrong.

The legal grounding SARS cites, Section 15 of the Customs and Excise Act, is South African domestic legislation. The SACU Agreement of 2002, which governs relations between member states, establishes a common customs area and contemplates free movement of goods within it. SARS itself acknowledges, almost in passing, that the SACU Agreement does not exempt member states from South African domestic law on import controls. That framing is telling. SARS is choosing to lead with its domestic statute and to subordinate the regional compact. That is a legal reading the other four SACU governments should contest with urgency, not accept quietly.

SARS is choosing to lead with its domestic statute and to subordinate the regional compact. That is a legal reading the other four SACU governments should contest with urgency, not accept quietly.

Lesotho Tribune Editorial

The economic argument is equally troubling. Lesotho’s industrial base, its garment factories, its construction sector, its agricultural supply chains, depends on constant and low-friction movement of vehicles across the Maseru Bridge and the other shared crossings. Any additional declaration step, however digitised, introduces delay, compliance cost, and uncertainty. Small operators, the cross-border trader who drives a bakkie loaded with produce, the contractor who takes equipment into South Africa for a job, do not have customs agents on retainer. They will bear the cost of this requirement disproportionately, and many will simply be deterred. The growth in informal and small-scale cross-border trade that SACU is supposed to enable will be quietly strangled by a form.

One should also name the asymmetry plainly. This is a requirement imposed by the largest and most powerful SACU member on the citizens of the four smaller ones. South Africa does not face a reciprocal declaration requirement when its vehicles enter Lesotho. The burden flows in one direction only. Whatever the technical legal justification, the political signal sent to Maseru, Windhoek, Gaborone, and Mbabane is that South Africa will exercise its national legislative authority in ways that override the spirit of regional solidarity when it finds it convenient to do so.

The burden flows in one direction only. The political signal is that South Africa will exercise its authority in ways that override the spirit of regional solidarity.

SARS argues that the TMS will reduce congestion and speed up border processing. This claim deserves scrutiny. Border congestion at Maseru Bridge, at Caledonspoort, at Ficksburg Bridge, is not caused by an absence of vehicle declarations. It is caused by infrastructure inadequate for the volume it handles, by staffing shortfalls, by manual secondary checks that technology has not replaced, and by the accumulated friction of years of underinvestment in shared border infrastructure. Adding a new mandatory pre-declaration step does not address any of those root causes. It adds a new layer of compliance onto a system that is already strained.

There is also the question of what this signals for the trajectory of SACU itself. The union has struggled for years to deepen integration beyond its customs revenue-sharing formula. The SARS directive, issued without any apparent consultation with SACU partner governments, is precisely the kind of unilateral action that erodes confidence in regional institutions. If South Africa can simply decide that the old exemption no longer suits it and enforce a domestic requirement on its partners’ citizens, the question that must be asked is what SACU membership actually guarantees.

This newspaper calls on the Government of Lesotho to raise a formal objection through the SACU Council of Ministers before 1 June. The objection should be grounded not in sentiment but in the text of the 2002 SACU Agreement and in the established principle that regional integration instruments take precedence over the domestic administrative preferences of individual member states. Lesotho should also seek the co-sponsorship of Botswana, Eswatini, and Namibia. A collective SACU response carries far greater legal and diplomatic weight than a bilateral complaint.

If South Africa wishes to modernise its customs systems, this newspaper has no objection. The TMS may well be a useful tool. But modernisation that imposes new burdens on the citizens of partner states, without consultation, without a clear basis in regional law, and without any mechanism for redress, is not modernisation. It is administrative overreach dressed in the language of efficiency.

They should not absorb it. And they should say so now.

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